homeL'INTERVISTA. Il presidente Obama anticipa l'atteso discorso del Cairo
Oggi inizierà il suo viaggio nei Paesi islamici: "Occasione per il dialogo"
"Fermiamo lo scontro di civiltà
questo dirò a tutti i musulmani"
di JUSTIN WEBB
Presidente Obama, partiamo dal discorso che farà al Cairo giovedì. Molti musulmani, di fatto, si aspettano le scuse per gli errori commessi durante gli anni dell'Amministrazione Bush e per quelle che reputano essere le violazioni commesse dagli Stati Uniti. È così?
"No, quello che intendiamo fare è aprire un dialogo. Ci sono stati sicuramente grossi malintesi ed errori di comprensione sull'Occidente da parte del mondo musulmano, e ce ne sono stati di altrettanto grossi nei confronti del mondo musulmano da parte nostra. Nessun discorso può risolvere i problemi reali che esistono, ma credo che questa possa essere un'occasione ideale per far sì che entrambe le parti abbiano l'opportunità di ascoltarsi. E che entrambi potremo imparare dalla controparte qualcosa di più sulla sua cultura".
Lei parla di entrambe le parti. Cosa la induce a credere che i musulmani siano disposti ad ascoltarla, e a cambiare atteggiamento nei confronti degli Stati Uniti?
"Faccio un piccolo esempio. La popolazione musulmana negli Stati Uniti è più numerosa di quella presente in molti Stati a maggioranza musulmana. C'è un contesto nel quale le cose possono essere aiutate a migliorare. Alcuni musulmani sono esponenti politici locali, altri membri del Congresso, abbiamo perfino un presidente che ha parenti musulmani. Quindi l'idea che l'America sia distaccata, lontana, e che lo scontro di civiltà sia inevitabile, è sbagliata".
Il suo discorso sarà pronunciato al Cairo. Secondo Amnesty International in Egitto ci sono migliaia di prigionieri politici. Come affronterà questo tema scottante?
"La questione dei diritti umani esiste in tutto il Medio Oriente, credo che nessuno possa metterlo in dubbio. Il messaggio che io spero di far arrivare è che democrazia, la legalità e il rispetto della legge, della libertà di parola, della libertà di religione non sono semplicemente principi dell'Occidente, ma sono principi universali, che loro possono abbracciare, che possono essere difesi ovunque, affermati ovunque come parte di ogni identità nazionale. Il pericolo c'è quando gli Stati Uniti o chiunque altro pensa che si possano imporre questi valori ad altri Paesi con culture e storie completamente diverse, mentre il nostro compito è quello di incoraggiare e promuovere questi valori".
Molti si aspettano di conoscere qualcosa di incoraggiante per ciò che concerne il conflitto israelo-palestinese. Lei ha detto chiaramente che vuole che gli insediamenti dei coloni israeliani siano congelati. Ma gli israeliani non intendono farlo. Come si esce da questa situazione?
"Ho parlato col primo ministro Netanyahu, ma penso che non abbiamo ancora visto gesti di potenziale collaborazione da parte di altri stati arabi e dei palestinesi che possano aiutare e dare garanzie al governo israeliano... Ho affrontato con lui alcune delle preoccupazioni di Israele. Io sono convinto che se si seguirà la road map che è stata delineata, se Israele rispetterà gli obblighi fissati che le competono e sono previsti, in primis evitando i nuovi insediamenti, e se i palestinesi faranno fronte ai loro obblighi, soprattutto in tema di sicurezza, e se tutti gli Stati arabi circostanti saranno disposti a collaborare con il Quartetto a incoraggiare lo sviluppo economico e quello politico, allora potremo fare dei progressi concreti. Di sicuro nelle prossime ore lavoreremo con grande pazienza sul fronte diplomatico. La diplomazia comporta tempi lunghi, lenti, ma sicuramente proficui. Non si possono mai avere risultati immediati".
Questo significa che ci sarà molto da lavorare ancora per arrivare alla pace.
"Nessuno pensa che questo possa essere un risultato semplice da conseguire. Ma l'importante è ripartire con seri negoziati. Faremo tutto quello che è possibile per riuscirci. Perché una cosa deve essere chiara: non è soltanto nell'interesse dei palestinesi avere uno stato palestinese tutto loro, ma lo è anche per il popolo israeliano che ha interesse a stabilizzare la sicurezza. Ed è importante e nell'interesse degli Stati Uniti arrivare a una soluzione di due Stati che vivono vicini in pace e in sicurezza".
Israele invece è riuscita a convincerla sul fatto che bisogna arrivare a risultati per fermare il progetto nucleare iraniano entro questo anno.
"Vorrei correggerla su un piccolo dettaglio non indifferente: Israele non ha affatto bisogno di convincermi di una cosa del genere. Credo che sia venuto il momento per il mondo di sentire tutto l'interesse legato al fatto che Teheran si convinca che deve accantonare il suo progetto di dotarsi della bomba atomica e di armi nucleari. Ma il modo migliore per farlo è con incessanti e duri negoziati. Noi abbiamo una scaletta di marcia precisa, non vogliamo fissare scadenze precise, ma entro quest'anno di sicuro vogliamo che sia possibile valutare e capire definitivamente se l'Iran ha le idee chiare ed è seria per ciò che concerne la rinuncia al suo programma nucleare. Theran ha diritto al nucleare pacifico, ha tutto il potenziale che le serve per essere un Paese molto potente, molto prospero e ricco. Ha molte più possibilità senza l'arma atomica, che potrebbe innescare una corsa agli armamenti nella regione e una proliferazione nucleare pericolosa. Credo che per il momento la cosa importante sia dare il via a un processo rigoroso di negoziati bilaterali che possa portare all'abbandono definitivo del programma nucleare".
(Copyright Bbc News. Traduzione di Anna Bissanti)
(3 giugno 2009)
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Obama: Fermiamo lo scontro di civiltà
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Obama: Fermiamo lo scontro di civiltà
da franz il 03/06/2009, 7:53
“Il segreto della FELICITÀ è la LIBERTÀ. E il segreto della Libertà è il CORAGGIO” (Tucidide, V secolo a.C. )
“Freedom must be armed better than tyranny” (Zelenskyy)
“Freedom must be armed better than tyranny” (Zelenskyy)
-
franz - forumulivista
- Messaggi: 22077
- Iscritto il: 17/05/2008, 14:58
Re: Obama: Fermiamo lo scontro di civiltà
da pagheca il 03/06/2009, 15:42
questo brano e' un estratto. Se qualcuno e' interessato all'originale (in inglese):
http://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episode/b0 ... Interview/.
Anche per chi non conosce bene l'inglese uno sgurado puo' risultare interessante, per capire cosa si intende quando si parla di "persone serie" e per capire il gap incommensurabile che c'e' tra il nostro Presidente del Consiglio e costui, al di la' delle proprie opinioni politiche e della simpatia o meno che si abbia per Barack Obama.
saluti,
pagheca
http://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episode/b0 ... Interview/.
Anche per chi non conosce bene l'inglese uno sgurado puo' risultare interessante, per capire cosa si intende quando si parla di "persone serie" e per capire il gap incommensurabile che c'e' tra il nostro Presidente del Consiglio e costui, al di la' delle proprie opinioni politiche e della simpatia o meno che si abbia per Barack Obama.
saluti,
pagheca
- pagheca
- forumulivista
- Messaggi: 1135
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- Località: Santiago
In nome della democrazia: Obama e l'Islam.
da Rosario Amico Roxas il 03/06/2009, 21:01
In nome della democrazia. Rosario Amico Roxas
La visita di Stato di Obama nel mondo islamico dovrebbe ricucire l’immagine devastante che gli USA hanno maturato con la disastrosa politica di G.W.Bush.
Potrebbe rivelarsi un successo storico, ma rischia di rimanere un fallimento, se verrà privilegiata l’esigenza di nascondere la verità per salvare la faccia della nazione più potente del mondo.
Se la verità dovesse venire nascosta, sarà un segno di viltà e di paura; una nazione forte e potente deve poter essere tale anche nel suo interno e non temere la propria censura, alla luce della verità.
La democrazia è stato mortificata diventando prepotenza, violenza, torture, cieca e brutale distribuzione di distruzione e di morte.
E’ in nome di questa democrazia che furono fatte le guerre preventive creando decine di migliaia di vittime civili sui teatri esteri, lasciando sullo stesso scenario interno quasi cinquanta milioni di cittadini che sopravvivono sotto la soglia della povertà; che furono e sono ancora torturati i prigionieri prima ancora di sapere se appartengono allo schieramento avversario o se sono dei semplici cittadini caduti nelle retate della repressione militare. Fu sempre in nome di questa democrazia del profitto, da raggiungere subito e a tutti i costi, che si conquistarono gli obiettivi economici con l’uso della forza, inscenando tragedie belliche barbariche in un’orgia di sangue e di morte.
La singolare menzogna di Bush dell’esportazione della democrazia, (quale democrazia e di chi?) attraverso l’orribile concetto della guerra preventiva al terrorismo, non è servita al governo americano soltanto per giustificare gli attacchi all’Afghanistan e all’Iraq, ma è stata ed è di supporto alla fase attuale del suo imperialismo in tutte quelle situazioni, politiche, geografiche e di qualsivoglia mercato internazionale in cui pulsano, prepotenti, i suoi interessi strategici.
La gestazione prima, e l’attuazione poi, di un simile atteggiamento di feroce aggressività, hanno avuto nella crisi economica il loro ambiente di crescita. Già nella seconda parte degli anni novanta, ma con particolare progressione negli anni duemila, l’economia americana ha vissuto una situazione straordinaria per intensità e vastità della sua crisi.
Persa nei decenni precedenti la sfida sulla competitività con l’Europa e il Giappone, e in tempi recenti anche con la Cina, l’America si ritrova indebitata sino al collo: sommando i debiti contratti con l’estero, quelli delle famiglie e delle imprese si arriva ad oltre il 300% del Pil. Sempre più dipendente per i suoi fabbisogni energetici dal petrolio internazionale (70%) e bisognosa di tre miliardi di dollari il giorno per fare fronte alle necessità di finanziamento dei suoi apparati economico-produttivi, tra cui quello militare che appare una voragine senza fine, l’America non ha trovato di meglio che imporsi con la forza su tutti i terreni d’interesse vitale.
In primo luogo il mercato del petrolio, che è stato letteralmente devastato dalle incursioni militari made in Usa, poi la necessità di continuare ad imporre il ruolo dominante del dollaro sui mercati finanziari internazionali, di giocare a piacimento sui tassi d’interesse per consentire l’afflusso di capitali verso i centri finanziari americani, ed infine costringere gli alleati e/o nemici a subire ogni sorta di decisioni e di accontentarsi delle giustificazioni addotte, anche se rozze e poco credibili.
Il tutto prende le mosse dall’11 settembre che per il governo Bush sarebbe la causa prima di ogni reazione, la madre di tutte le legittimazioni, il perno attorno al quale doveva ruotare la lotta al terrorismo internazionale. Il primo passo armato è stato quello della guerra in Afghanistan, già decisa ben prima dell’11 settembre, il secondo quello contro il regime di Saddam Hussein, che con il terrorismo internazionale e con al Qaeda non aveva legami di sorta. Da quel tragico momento, nell’esecuzione del quale le responsabilità del governo americano e delle sue maggiori Intelligence sono apparse chiaramente, ogni atto d’opposizione alla ferocia militare dell’imperialismo americano è stata etichettata di terrorismo.
Fatta l’equazione: terrorismo uguale al male assoluto, ogni opposizione agli obiettivi strategici di Washington si configurò come terrorismo, quindi ne discese la legittimità di combatterlo e di annientarlo con tutti i mezzi possibili, legittimi e illegittimi, in una sorta di delirio d’onnipotenza militare dietro la quale si nasconde l’enorme debolezza di un sistema economico e sociale in verticale decadenza. Il conseguente corollario, buono per tutte le stagioni, e particolarmente funzionale alla guerra in Iraq, è che non esistono opposizioni alla guerra, ai governi fantoccio che vivono grazie alla presenza militare delle forza d’occupazione, ma solo terroristi che devono essere sterminati senza pietà in ogni dove, senza lesinare mezzi, torture e migliaia di morti civili, quali inevitabili effetti collaterali.
La ferocia dell’imperialismo si servì del terrorismo per giustificare la propria barbarie senza dare spazio e legittimità a qualsiasi forma di opposizione. Il che non significa che il terrorismo non esista, che non vada denunciato e, nei dovuti modi, combattuto. D’altra parte chi si sentirebbe, in nome di qualsiasi ideologia, di difendere, di coprire politicamente o moralmente giustificare, gruppi e organizzazioni che per i propri fini uccidono civili, vecchi, donne e bambini, facendo del loro operato un’inumana carneficina d’innocenti ? E qualora ciò accadesse, il terrorismo creerebbe, nel lungo periodo, esattamente il contrario di quello che vorrebbe ottenere in termini d’adesioni alla sua strategia.
Ma la questione è un’altra, è che si confondono volutamente i concetti di terrorismo con quelli di lotta di liberazione nazionale, di guerra civile o di rivoluzione, per screditare tutti i movimenti sociali addossando loro la negativa definizione di pratica del terrore. Va quindi definito, in prima istanza, che cosa si debba intendere per terrorismo e per legittima difesa da un esercito d’invasione, indipendentemente, per il momento, dal contenuto ideologico e programmatico del concetto di difesa. Successivamente occorre verificare come, atti di terrorismo, possano anche fare parte dello scontro tra occupanti e occupati, ed infine come sia esistito un terrorismo di stato, che tale non è mai definito, solo perché prodotto da un esercito regolare, oltretutto occultato dal sofisticato sistema informativo dei media.
Oggi l’America non ha più la forza e il potere di imporre la “sua” pace e il suo nuovo ordine, deve arrendersi all’evidenza di una sconfitta innanzitutto morale, prima che militare. Alla luce di questa realtà, che è sotto gli occhi di tutti, Obama potrà aspirare alla pacificazione, che vale molto più di una pace imposta con la forza; ma la pacificazione, per emergere dalla distruzione che ha creato la stessa America di Bush, non può non essere sostenuta dalla verità e dal riconoscimento pubblico delle nefandezze di Bush e dei suoi inetti alleati.
La visita di Stato di Obama nel mondo islamico dovrebbe ricucire l’immagine devastante che gli USA hanno maturato con la disastrosa politica di G.W.Bush.
Potrebbe rivelarsi un successo storico, ma rischia di rimanere un fallimento, se verrà privilegiata l’esigenza di nascondere la verità per salvare la faccia della nazione più potente del mondo.
Se la verità dovesse venire nascosta, sarà un segno di viltà e di paura; una nazione forte e potente deve poter essere tale anche nel suo interno e non temere la propria censura, alla luce della verità.
La democrazia è stato mortificata diventando prepotenza, violenza, torture, cieca e brutale distribuzione di distruzione e di morte.
E’ in nome di questa democrazia che furono fatte le guerre preventive creando decine di migliaia di vittime civili sui teatri esteri, lasciando sullo stesso scenario interno quasi cinquanta milioni di cittadini che sopravvivono sotto la soglia della povertà; che furono e sono ancora torturati i prigionieri prima ancora di sapere se appartengono allo schieramento avversario o se sono dei semplici cittadini caduti nelle retate della repressione militare. Fu sempre in nome di questa democrazia del profitto, da raggiungere subito e a tutti i costi, che si conquistarono gli obiettivi economici con l’uso della forza, inscenando tragedie belliche barbariche in un’orgia di sangue e di morte.
La singolare menzogna di Bush dell’esportazione della democrazia, (quale democrazia e di chi?) attraverso l’orribile concetto della guerra preventiva al terrorismo, non è servita al governo americano soltanto per giustificare gli attacchi all’Afghanistan e all’Iraq, ma è stata ed è di supporto alla fase attuale del suo imperialismo in tutte quelle situazioni, politiche, geografiche e di qualsivoglia mercato internazionale in cui pulsano, prepotenti, i suoi interessi strategici.
La gestazione prima, e l’attuazione poi, di un simile atteggiamento di feroce aggressività, hanno avuto nella crisi economica il loro ambiente di crescita. Già nella seconda parte degli anni novanta, ma con particolare progressione negli anni duemila, l’economia americana ha vissuto una situazione straordinaria per intensità e vastità della sua crisi.
Persa nei decenni precedenti la sfida sulla competitività con l’Europa e il Giappone, e in tempi recenti anche con la Cina, l’America si ritrova indebitata sino al collo: sommando i debiti contratti con l’estero, quelli delle famiglie e delle imprese si arriva ad oltre il 300% del Pil. Sempre più dipendente per i suoi fabbisogni energetici dal petrolio internazionale (70%) e bisognosa di tre miliardi di dollari il giorno per fare fronte alle necessità di finanziamento dei suoi apparati economico-produttivi, tra cui quello militare che appare una voragine senza fine, l’America non ha trovato di meglio che imporsi con la forza su tutti i terreni d’interesse vitale.
In primo luogo il mercato del petrolio, che è stato letteralmente devastato dalle incursioni militari made in Usa, poi la necessità di continuare ad imporre il ruolo dominante del dollaro sui mercati finanziari internazionali, di giocare a piacimento sui tassi d’interesse per consentire l’afflusso di capitali verso i centri finanziari americani, ed infine costringere gli alleati e/o nemici a subire ogni sorta di decisioni e di accontentarsi delle giustificazioni addotte, anche se rozze e poco credibili.
Il tutto prende le mosse dall’11 settembre che per il governo Bush sarebbe la causa prima di ogni reazione, la madre di tutte le legittimazioni, il perno attorno al quale doveva ruotare la lotta al terrorismo internazionale. Il primo passo armato è stato quello della guerra in Afghanistan, già decisa ben prima dell’11 settembre, il secondo quello contro il regime di Saddam Hussein, che con il terrorismo internazionale e con al Qaeda non aveva legami di sorta. Da quel tragico momento, nell’esecuzione del quale le responsabilità del governo americano e delle sue maggiori Intelligence sono apparse chiaramente, ogni atto d’opposizione alla ferocia militare dell’imperialismo americano è stata etichettata di terrorismo.
Fatta l’equazione: terrorismo uguale al male assoluto, ogni opposizione agli obiettivi strategici di Washington si configurò come terrorismo, quindi ne discese la legittimità di combatterlo e di annientarlo con tutti i mezzi possibili, legittimi e illegittimi, in una sorta di delirio d’onnipotenza militare dietro la quale si nasconde l’enorme debolezza di un sistema economico e sociale in verticale decadenza. Il conseguente corollario, buono per tutte le stagioni, e particolarmente funzionale alla guerra in Iraq, è che non esistono opposizioni alla guerra, ai governi fantoccio che vivono grazie alla presenza militare delle forza d’occupazione, ma solo terroristi che devono essere sterminati senza pietà in ogni dove, senza lesinare mezzi, torture e migliaia di morti civili, quali inevitabili effetti collaterali.
La ferocia dell’imperialismo si servì del terrorismo per giustificare la propria barbarie senza dare spazio e legittimità a qualsiasi forma di opposizione. Il che non significa che il terrorismo non esista, che non vada denunciato e, nei dovuti modi, combattuto. D’altra parte chi si sentirebbe, in nome di qualsiasi ideologia, di difendere, di coprire politicamente o moralmente giustificare, gruppi e organizzazioni che per i propri fini uccidono civili, vecchi, donne e bambini, facendo del loro operato un’inumana carneficina d’innocenti ? E qualora ciò accadesse, il terrorismo creerebbe, nel lungo periodo, esattamente il contrario di quello che vorrebbe ottenere in termini d’adesioni alla sua strategia.
Ma la questione è un’altra, è che si confondono volutamente i concetti di terrorismo con quelli di lotta di liberazione nazionale, di guerra civile o di rivoluzione, per screditare tutti i movimenti sociali addossando loro la negativa definizione di pratica del terrore. Va quindi definito, in prima istanza, che cosa si debba intendere per terrorismo e per legittima difesa da un esercito d’invasione, indipendentemente, per il momento, dal contenuto ideologico e programmatico del concetto di difesa. Successivamente occorre verificare come, atti di terrorismo, possano anche fare parte dello scontro tra occupanti e occupati, ed infine come sia esistito un terrorismo di stato, che tale non è mai definito, solo perché prodotto da un esercito regolare, oltretutto occultato dal sofisticato sistema informativo dei media.
Oggi l’America non ha più la forza e il potere di imporre la “sua” pace e il suo nuovo ordine, deve arrendersi all’evidenza di una sconfitta innanzitutto morale, prima che militare. Alla luce di questa realtà, che è sotto gli occhi di tutti, Obama potrà aspirare alla pacificazione, che vale molto più di una pace imposta con la forza; ma la pacificazione, per emergere dalla distruzione che ha creato la stessa America di Bush, non può non essere sostenuta dalla verità e dal riconoscimento pubblico delle nefandezze di Bush e dei suoi inetti alleati.
- Rosario Amico Roxas
- forumulivista
- Messaggi: 169
- Iscritto il: 01/03/2009, 23:09
Il discorso di Obama al Cairo
da franz il 04/06/2009, 14:16
Il discorso di Obama al Cairo
Il testo integrale nella versione originale in inglese
MILANO - Ecco il testo del discorso tenuto dal presidente degli Stati Uniti Barack Obama al Cairo.
I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning, and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. Together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I am grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. I am also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: assalaamu alaykum.
"We meet at a time of tension between the United States and Muslims around the world – tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of co-existence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations.
Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam. Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11th, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. This has bred more fear and mistrust. So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, and who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. This cycle of suspicion and discord must end. I have come here to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world; one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect; and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive, and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles – principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings. I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. No single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly the things we hold in our hearts, and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground.
As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." That is what I will try to do – to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart. Part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I am a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith. As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam – at places like Al-Azhar University – that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.
I know, too, that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President John Adams wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, served in government, stood for civil rights, started businesses, taught at our Universities, excelled in our sports arenas, won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim-American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers – Thomas Jefferson – kept in his personal library. So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear. But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words – within our borders, and around the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum: "Out of many, one."
Much has been made of the fact that an African-American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores – that includes nearly seven million American Muslims in our country today who enjoy incomes and education that are higher than average. Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state of our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That is why the U.S. government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it.
Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion or station in life, all of us share common aspirations – to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity. Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all. For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. And when innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings. This is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes subjugating one another to serve their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners of it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; progress must be shared. That does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: we must face these tensions squarely.
And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together. The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms. In Ankara, I made clear that America is not – and never will be – at war with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security. Because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people. The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice, we went because of necessity. I am aware that some question or justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet Al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with. Make no mistake: we do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case. That's why we're partnering with a coalition of forty-six countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken.
Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths – more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind; and whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism – it is an important part of promoting peace. We also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we plan to invest ê1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who have been displaced. And that is why we are providing more than ê2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend upon. Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be." Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future – and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. That is why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all our troops from Iraq by 2012.
We will help Iraq train its Security Forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron. And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year. So America will defend itself respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer. The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world. America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.
Around the world the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-semitism in Europe culminated in unprecedented holocaust. Tomorrow I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed – more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, ignorant, and hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction – or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews – is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve. On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people – Muslims and Christians – have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than sixty years they have endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations – large and small – that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own. For decades, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It is easy to point fingers – for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond.
But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: the only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security. That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest. That is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience that the task requires. The obligations that the parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them – and all of us – to live up to our responsibilities. Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign of neither courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That is not how moral authority is claimed; that is how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, and recognize Israel's right to exist. At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop. Israel must also live up to its obligations to ensure that Palestinians can live, and work, and develop their society. And just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.
Finally, the Arab States must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state; to recognize Israel's legitimacy; and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past. America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true. Too many tears have flowed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed (peace be upon them) joined in prayer. The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons. This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran.
For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is indeed a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically-elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I have made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question, now, is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build. It will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It is about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path. I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nations hold nuclear weapons. That is why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation – including Iran – should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the Treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy. I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by any other. That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere. There is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear: governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away.
America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments – provided they govern with respect for all their people. This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they are out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. No matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who hold power: you must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.
The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom. Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind, heart, and soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it is being challenged in many different ways. Among some Muslims, there is a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of another's. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld – whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. And fault lines must be closed among Muslims as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq. Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That is why I am committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat. Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit – for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We cannot disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism. Indeed, faith should bring us together. That is why we are forging service projects in America that bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That is why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's Interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into Interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action – whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.
The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights. I know there is debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well-educated are far more likely to be prosperous. Now let me be clear: issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, we have seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world. Our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons, and our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity – men and women – to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. That is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams. Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity. I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities. In all nations – including my own – this change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities – those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradiction between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education. This is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work. Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains underinvestment in these areas. I am emphasizing such investments within my country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas in this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement. On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America, while encouraging more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in on-line learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a teenager in Cairo. On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world. On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create jobs. We will open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new Science Envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops. And today I am announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health. All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world we seek – a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together. I know there are many – Muslim and non-Muslim – who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort – that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There is so much fear, so much mistrust. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country – you, more than anyone, have the ability to remake this world. All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort – a sustained effort – to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings. It is easier to start wars than to end them. It is easier to blame others than to look inward; to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There is also one rule that lies at the heart of every religion – that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. This truth transcends nations and peoples – a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the heart of billions. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.
We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written. The Holy Koran tells us, "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another." The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace." The Holy Bible tells us, "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now, that must be our work here on Earth. Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you.
04 giugno 2009
Il testo integrale nella versione originale in inglese
MILANO - Ecco il testo del discorso tenuto dal presidente degli Stati Uniti Barack Obama al Cairo.
I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning, and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. Together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I am grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. I am also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: assalaamu alaykum.
"We meet at a time of tension between the United States and Muslims around the world – tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of co-existence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations.
Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam. Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11th, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. This has bred more fear and mistrust. So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, and who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. This cycle of suspicion and discord must end. I have come here to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world; one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect; and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive, and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles – principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings. I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. No single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly the things we hold in our hearts, and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground.
As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." That is what I will try to do – to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart. Part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I am a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith. As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam – at places like Al-Azhar University – that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.
I know, too, that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President John Adams wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, served in government, stood for civil rights, started businesses, taught at our Universities, excelled in our sports arenas, won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim-American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers – Thomas Jefferson – kept in his personal library. So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear. But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words – within our borders, and around the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum: "Out of many, one."
Much has been made of the fact that an African-American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores – that includes nearly seven million American Muslims in our country today who enjoy incomes and education that are higher than average. Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state of our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That is why the U.S. government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it.
Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion or station in life, all of us share common aspirations – to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity. Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all. For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. And when innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings. This is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes subjugating one another to serve their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners of it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; progress must be shared. That does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: we must face these tensions squarely.
And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together. The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms. In Ankara, I made clear that America is not – and never will be – at war with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security. Because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people. The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice, we went because of necessity. I am aware that some question or justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet Al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with. Make no mistake: we do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case. That's why we're partnering with a coalition of forty-six countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken.
Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths – more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind; and whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism – it is an important part of promoting peace. We also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we plan to invest ê1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who have been displaced. And that is why we are providing more than ê2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend upon. Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be." Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future – and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. That is why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all our troops from Iraq by 2012.
We will help Iraq train its Security Forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron. And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year. So America will defend itself respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer. The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world. America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.
Around the world the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-semitism in Europe culminated in unprecedented holocaust. Tomorrow I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed – more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, ignorant, and hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction – or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews – is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve. On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people – Muslims and Christians – have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than sixty years they have endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations – large and small – that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own. For decades, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It is easy to point fingers – for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond.
But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: the only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security. That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest. That is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience that the task requires. The obligations that the parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them – and all of us – to live up to our responsibilities. Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign of neither courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That is not how moral authority is claimed; that is how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, and recognize Israel's right to exist. At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop. Israel must also live up to its obligations to ensure that Palestinians can live, and work, and develop their society. And just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.
Finally, the Arab States must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state; to recognize Israel's legitimacy; and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past. America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true. Too many tears have flowed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed (peace be upon them) joined in prayer. The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons. This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran.
For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is indeed a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically-elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I have made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question, now, is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build. It will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It is about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path. I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nations hold nuclear weapons. That is why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation – including Iran – should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the Treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy. I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by any other. That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere. There is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear: governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away.
America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments – provided they govern with respect for all their people. This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they are out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. No matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who hold power: you must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.
The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom. Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind, heart, and soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it is being challenged in many different ways. Among some Muslims, there is a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of another's. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld – whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. And fault lines must be closed among Muslims as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq. Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That is why I am committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat. Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit – for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We cannot disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism. Indeed, faith should bring us together. That is why we are forging service projects in America that bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That is why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's Interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into Interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action – whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.
The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights. I know there is debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well-educated are far more likely to be prosperous. Now let me be clear: issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, we have seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world. Our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons, and our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity – men and women – to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. That is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams. Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity. I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities. In all nations – including my own – this change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities – those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradiction between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education. This is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work. Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains underinvestment in these areas. I am emphasizing such investments within my country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas in this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement. On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America, while encouraging more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in on-line learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a teenager in Cairo. On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world. On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create jobs. We will open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new Science Envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops. And today I am announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health. All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world we seek – a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together. I know there are many – Muslim and non-Muslim – who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort – that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There is so much fear, so much mistrust. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country – you, more than anyone, have the ability to remake this world. All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort – a sustained effort – to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings. It is easier to start wars than to end them. It is easier to blame others than to look inward; to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There is also one rule that lies at the heart of every religion – that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. This truth transcends nations and peoples – a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the heart of billions. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.
We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written. The Holy Koran tells us, "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another." The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace." The Holy Bible tells us, "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now, that must be our work here on Earth. Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you.
04 giugno 2009
“Il segreto della FELICITÀ è la LIBERTÀ. E il segreto della Libertà è il CORAGGIO” (Tucidide, V secolo a.C. )
“Freedom must be armed better than tyranny” (Zelenskyy)
“Freedom must be armed better than tyranny” (Zelenskyy)
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franz - forumulivista
- Messaggi: 22077
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Obama: un nuovo inizio con l’Islam
da Rosario Amico Roxas il 04/06/2009, 14:47
Obama: un nuovo inizio con l’Islam Rosario Amico Roxas
A tutta la stampa nazionale
Obama all'Islam: cerchiamo nuovo inizio.
(da Il Messaggero del 4 giugno)
**************
Quindi un ricominciare da dove era iniziato l'itinerario sbagliato; quell'itinerario preteso da Bush, che ha insanguinato il Medio oriente.
Ma non basta cercare e chiedere un nuovo izio se prima non si separa il grano dallì'oglio.
Su quali basi bisogna cercare questo nuovo inizio?
Dall'eredità di Bush ?
Oppure da una seria analisi storica degli errori commessi ?
Un nuovo inizio privo delle basi diventerebbe un castello di sabbia; un nuovo inizio senza rinnegare gli errori passati diventa una menzogna camuffata da "nuovo corso". E' un atto di coraggio, di verità e di giustizia che può aprire le mporte alla reciproca accettazione di un nuovo inizio, altrimenti rischia di diventare un tentativo unilaterale di far dimenticare, come se nulla fosse accaduto,
Il mondo arabo non può dimenticare la strage di sabra e Shatila, permessa dagli USA e tollerata in nome di una alleanza tra forti8; non può dimenticare i bombardamenti delle moschee, dei mercati, delle scuole, dei banchetti di nozze; non può dimenticare Fallujia rasa al suolo con un numero di morti che la stessa America si è vergognata di denunciare; non può dimenticare le torture di Abu Grahib. Non può dimenticare che i figli del mondo arabo che hanno cercato una estrema difesa vennero etichettati come terroristi.
Un nuovo inizio non deve imporre l'oblio, ma deve segnare una condanna del passato, altrimenti la sua ombra oscurerà tutte le buone intenzioni.
As-salam aleikun.
A tutta la stampa nazionale
Obama all'Islam: cerchiamo nuovo inizio.
(da Il Messaggero del 4 giugno)
**************
Quindi un ricominciare da dove era iniziato l'itinerario sbagliato; quell'itinerario preteso da Bush, che ha insanguinato il Medio oriente.
Ma non basta cercare e chiedere un nuovo izio se prima non si separa il grano dallì'oglio.
Su quali basi bisogna cercare questo nuovo inizio?
Dall'eredità di Bush ?
Oppure da una seria analisi storica degli errori commessi ?
Un nuovo inizio privo delle basi diventerebbe un castello di sabbia; un nuovo inizio senza rinnegare gli errori passati diventa una menzogna camuffata da "nuovo corso". E' un atto di coraggio, di verità e di giustizia che può aprire le mporte alla reciproca accettazione di un nuovo inizio, altrimenti rischia di diventare un tentativo unilaterale di far dimenticare, come se nulla fosse accaduto,
Il mondo arabo non può dimenticare la strage di sabra e Shatila, permessa dagli USA e tollerata in nome di una alleanza tra forti8; non può dimenticare i bombardamenti delle moschee, dei mercati, delle scuole, dei banchetti di nozze; non può dimenticare Fallujia rasa al suolo con un numero di morti che la stessa America si è vergognata di denunciare; non può dimenticare le torture di Abu Grahib. Non può dimenticare che i figli del mondo arabo che hanno cercato una estrema difesa vennero etichettati come terroristi.
Un nuovo inizio non deve imporre l'oblio, ma deve segnare una condanna del passato, altrimenti la sua ombra oscurerà tutte le buone intenzioni.
As-salam aleikun.
- Rosario Amico Roxas
- forumulivista
- Messaggi: 169
- Iscritto il: 01/03/2009, 23:09
Re: Obama: un nuovo inizio con l’Islam
da Paolo65 il 04/06/2009, 14:56
Se l'Islam per primo non parte da se stesso, cerca di rinnovarsi ed uscire dal medioevo politico religioso in cui si trova,e faccio un torto al termine medioevo, gli USA potranno chiedere scusa a tutto il globo terracqueo senza che si faccia in passo avanti.
Paolo
Paolo
- Paolo65
- forumulivista
- Messaggi: 693
- Iscritto il: 15/07/2008, 14:23
Re: Obama: un nuovo inizio con l’Islam
da Rosario Amico Roxas il 04/06/2009, 15:19
Paolo 65
Dissento dalla collocazione medievale dell'Islam; accetto che le popolazioni siano in debito con la storia, ma ci sono problemi anche di carattere antropologico che andrebbero valutati, ma troppo lunghi per un post.
Ma ammettendo pure un notevole ritardo con la storia, non dobbiamo dimenticare la grande responsabilità dell'Occidente e del colonialismo che ha tenuto quei popoli lontani dalla evoluzione, per poterli meglio sfruttare e meglio depredare delle loro materie prime.
Se il mondo islamico è in debito con la storia, è l'Occidente intero è in debito con il mondo islamico con le sue storiche colpe.
Fu un popolo occidentale autore dello sterminio degli ebrei; fu lo stesso popolo ad accendere la scintilla della guerra mondiale.... poi l'Occidente ha fatto fagotto delle proprie colpe ed ha presentato il conto agli incolpevoli palestinesi, imponendo loro la confisca del loro territorio, ringraziando con le bombe e le persecuzioni, culminate a Sabra e Shatila.
Insisto nel ripete che non possiamo pretendere di scrivere la storia secondo la nostra convenienza, perchè in questo modo saranno le stesse colpe dell'Occidente a seppellire le velleità del medesimo Occidente.
La fame è una malattia non contagiosa, ma dinamica e non può essere fermata con le armi. Ce lo ricorda la storia, anche se ci piace ricordare il crollo dell'impero romano a causa delle "invasioni barbariche" che invasioni non furono, ma legittima migrazione di interi popoli, esclusi dall'impero e tenuti alla larga.
Ora è crollato l'impero occidentale, Obama cerca di salvare il salvabile, ma se rimaniamo conviti della nostra superiorità, che non esiste, oppure ci ostiniamo ad esaltare le nostre radici che hanno dato frutti pessimi, indigesti anche dopo il trattamento con uno dei tanti roghi prodotti dalle radici cristiane, allora sarà la nostra presunzione a seppellire noi e tutto l'Occidente, e il nuovo inizio sarà per altri, in totale assenza dell'Occidente.
Dissento dalla collocazione medievale dell'Islam; accetto che le popolazioni siano in debito con la storia, ma ci sono problemi anche di carattere antropologico che andrebbero valutati, ma troppo lunghi per un post.
Ma ammettendo pure un notevole ritardo con la storia, non dobbiamo dimenticare la grande responsabilità dell'Occidente e del colonialismo che ha tenuto quei popoli lontani dalla evoluzione, per poterli meglio sfruttare e meglio depredare delle loro materie prime.
Se il mondo islamico è in debito con la storia, è l'Occidente intero è in debito con il mondo islamico con le sue storiche colpe.
Fu un popolo occidentale autore dello sterminio degli ebrei; fu lo stesso popolo ad accendere la scintilla della guerra mondiale.... poi l'Occidente ha fatto fagotto delle proprie colpe ed ha presentato il conto agli incolpevoli palestinesi, imponendo loro la confisca del loro territorio, ringraziando con le bombe e le persecuzioni, culminate a Sabra e Shatila.
Insisto nel ripete che non possiamo pretendere di scrivere la storia secondo la nostra convenienza, perchè in questo modo saranno le stesse colpe dell'Occidente a seppellire le velleità del medesimo Occidente.
La fame è una malattia non contagiosa, ma dinamica e non può essere fermata con le armi. Ce lo ricorda la storia, anche se ci piace ricordare il crollo dell'impero romano a causa delle "invasioni barbariche" che invasioni non furono, ma legittima migrazione di interi popoli, esclusi dall'impero e tenuti alla larga.
Ora è crollato l'impero occidentale, Obama cerca di salvare il salvabile, ma se rimaniamo conviti della nostra superiorità, che non esiste, oppure ci ostiniamo ad esaltare le nostre radici che hanno dato frutti pessimi, indigesti anche dopo il trattamento con uno dei tanti roghi prodotti dalle radici cristiane, allora sarà la nostra presunzione a seppellire noi e tutto l'Occidente, e il nuovo inizio sarà per altri, in totale assenza dell'Occidente.
- Rosario Amico Roxas
- forumulivista
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Re: Obama: un nuovo inizio con l’Islam
da franz il 04/06/2009, 15:58
Rosario Amico Roxas ha scritto:Ma ammettendo pure un notevole ritardo con la storia, non dobbiamo dimenticare la grande responsabilità dell'Occidente e del colonialismo che ha tenuto quei popoli lontani dalla evoluzione, per poterli meglio sfruttare e meglio depredare delle loro materie prime.
Se il mondo islamico è in debito con la storia, è l'Occidente intero è in debito con il mondo islamico con le sue storiche colpe.
Fu un popolo occidentale autore dello sterminio degli ebrei.
Ritengo invece che quel poco di moderno che c'è in alcuni paesi islamici sia dovuto alla contaminazione con l'occidente.
Quanto agli ebrei, forse dimentichi il ruolo del gran mufti di gerusalemme (allato di Hitler), tra gli anni 30 e 40 nei vari pogrom antiebraici. Diciamo che ne abbiamo per tutti.
Due soli punti: lo schiavismo ed il ruolo della donna.
La responsabiltà comune è legata alle religioni monoteiste.
Non parlerei di responsabilità dell'occidente o altro ma serei piu' esplicito.
Quando parliamo di massacri di Indios o della Inquisizione, parliamo di critianesimo.
Idem per la persecuzione degli ebrei.
Quando parliamo di schiavismo e di deportazione di milioni di africani, parliamo di mercanti arabi, che si espnadevano "in nome di Hallah". Quando parliamo di intolleranza troviamo sotto sotto sempre un motivo religioso, legato ad una religone monoteista. Solo che almeno in Occidente qualche passo avanti lo abbiamo fatto, verso la laicità. Il mondo islamico invece sta facendo passi indietro.
Franz
“Il segreto della FELICITÀ è la LIBERTÀ. E il segreto della Libertà è il CORAGGIO” (Tucidide, V secolo a.C. )
“Freedom must be armed better than tyranny” (Zelenskyy)
“Freedom must be armed better than tyranny” (Zelenskyy)
-
franz - forumulivista
- Messaggi: 22077
- Iscritto il: 17/05/2008, 14:58
Re: Obama: Fermiamo lo scontro di civiltà
da mauri il 04/06/2009, 16:19
rosario eravamo noi i barbari
http://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Storia_della_Sicilia_araba
come mai poi si sono invertite le sorti?
grazie, mauri
http://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Storia_della_Sicilia_araba
come mai poi si sono invertite le sorti?
grazie, mauri
- mauri
- forumulivista
- Messaggi: 1961
- Iscritto il: 16/06/2008, 10:57
Re: Obama: Fermiamo lo scontro di civiltà
da franz il 04/06/2009, 16:36
mauri ha scritto:come mai poi si sono invertite le sorti?
Abbiamo avuto il rinascimento e poi l'illuminismo, la nascita degli stati moderni.
Per l'occidente gran parte del nostro "invertire le sorti" credo siano legate alla riforma luterana.
Ciao,
Franz
“Il segreto della FELICITÀ è la LIBERTÀ. E il segreto della Libertà è il CORAGGIO” (Tucidide, V secolo a.C. )
“Freedom must be armed better than tyranny” (Zelenskyy)
“Freedom must be armed better than tyranny” (Zelenskyy)
-
franz - forumulivista
- Messaggi: 22077
- Iscritto il: 17/05/2008, 14:58
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